The Rio de Janeiro state government submitted on Monday (22/12) to the Supreme Federal Court (STF) its plan for the reoccupation of territories in across communities the state. The proposal proposes the entry and permanent presence of policing, combined with the implementation of urban planning, infrastructure, and public services. The presentation of such a plan had been mandated by the STF in April, during the ruling of ADPF 635 — known as the “Favela ADPF” — which oversees and sets parameters for police operations in these areas.
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Territory Reoccupation Plan
The STF determined that the plan must outline concrete measures to ensure the permanent presence of public authorities, including the installation of public facilities, youth-oriented policies, and essential services. The proposal must also include a clear timeline and specify the allocation of federal, state, and municipal resources. The Rio government submitted the plan 55 days after Operation Contenção, an operation that resulted in 122 deaths in the Penha complex and became the deadliest police action in Brazil’s history. This is the second community reoccupation initiative presented by Governor Cláudio Castro (PL). The first, called “Cidade Integrada” and launched in January 2022, failed to expand and remained limited to Jacarezinho, in the North Zone, and Muzema, in the Southwest Zone. Muzema has again been selected as one of the areas for the new reoccupation effort.
How will policing work?
According to the plan, communities will initially be subjected to police operations referred to as “retaking operations.” The state anticipates that federal security forces and even the Armed Forces may provide support if necessary. Following the stabilization phase, permanent police bases will be installed, operating 24 hours a day under a community policing model. These bases will rely on technological monitoring tools, including surveillance cameras. The plan also provides for the presence of a municipal community guard, as well as offices for the Ombudsman’s Office and the Public Defender’s Office, in addition to facilities for the Judiciary and the Public Prosecutor’s Office. The government also commits to offering training programs for community leaders, who would serve as formal channels of communication between residents and public authorities.
Alleyways, Lanes, and Public Lighting
Alleyways, narrow lanes, and what the plan describes as “degraded areas with an impact on public safety” will undergo urban redevelopment. Public schools in these territories are also slated to adopt a full-time education model, including extracurricular activities. Areas identified as being at risk of armed control will receive expanded public lighting as a preventive security measure. The document also outlines the creation of family support initiatives and programs aimed at preventing the recruitment of children and adolescents by criminal groups. Mobile public services — such as units of the Social Assistance Reference Centers (CRAS) will be deployed, along with the establishment of Women’s Centers and Youth and Opportunities Centers to provide social support and access to services.
Free Wi-Fi and Housing
The reoccupation plan also includes a series of infrastructure works within the targeted communities, including the installation of free Wi-Fi in shared and public spaces. Housing policy is treated as a central pillar of the initiative. The government plans to create special land regularization zones to guarantee residents’ permanence in the areas, alongside stricter oversight of irregular land subdivisions and unauthorized construction. These measures are aimed at curbing practices commonly exploited by militias, such as illegal real estate development and land grabbing.
Which communities will receive the project?
The Castro administration has defined that the first phase of the reoccupation plan will focus on Rio das Pedras, Muzema, and Gardênia Azul, all located in Jacarepaguá, in Rio’s Southwest Zone. The reoccupation is scheduled to begin in the first quarter of 2026. In recent years, this region has become one of the main hotspots of territorial disputes between militias and criminal factions, particularly the Red Command. The government has not ruled out extending the project to other communities in the future. One key distinction between Jacarepaguá and areas such as Rocinha or the Complexo do Alemão is geography: the relatively flat terrain facilitates the movement and deployment of police units compared to hillside communities.
How will the government pay for the project?
According to the state government, funding for the public security component of the plan will come primarily from Fised (the State Fund for Investments and Actions in Public Security and Development) and Fusp-RJ (the Rio de Janeiro State Public Security Fund), both financed with state resources. The document submitted to the STF states that the federal government and municipal administrations have a “legal duty” to contribute resources as well. In its ruling, the Supreme Court determined that the reoccupation plan must include the mandatory allocation of federal, state, and municipal funds. However, the report does not specify the total cost of the reoccupation program or provide detailed budget estimates.
Analysis:
The reoccupation plan submitted by the Rio de Janeiro state government represents an attempt to realign public security policy with the parameters imposed by the Supreme Federal Court while responding to long-standing demands for territorial control beyond sporadic police operations. By formally linking policing to urban planning, social services, and institutional presence, the proposal acknowledges that territorial dominance by armed groups cannot be reversed through enforcement alone. However, the timing of the submission, coming shortly after the deadliest police operation in Brazil’s history, raises concerns about whether the plan is being driven by strategic recalibration or by judicial and political pressure.
From an operational standpoint, the model combines familiar elements of past initiatives with expanded institutional layering. The emphasis on permanent police bases, technological monitoring, and community policing mirrors earlier programs that struggled to maintain legitimacy and sustainability over time.
The greatest uncertainty lies in execution and financing. Previous reoccupation efforts failed due to fragmented governance, inconsistent funding, and weak coordination across government levels. Although the plan asserts a legal obligation for federal and municipal contributions, the absence of concrete budget figures and binding commitments undermines its credibility.
Sources: G1; O Globo; Extra; A Folha de SP.
