In the midst of an internal crisis, on 23 October, Rio’s largest militia demonstrated strength and promoted a wave of violence in the West Zone of Rio de Janeiro in retaliation for the death of one of its members. After Matheus da Silva Rezende, known as Faustão, appointed number 2 in the hierarchy of the militia led by his uncle, Luís Antônio da Silva Braga, known as Zinho, was shot dead by the police, his accomplices set fire to 35 buses and a train and disrupted public transport in a dozen neighborhoods of Paciência, Cosmos, Santa Cruz, Inhoaíba, Campo Grande, Guaratiba and Recreio dos Bandeirantes, all in the West Zone.
The gang responsible for the attacks has been operating in the state for more than two decades and is going through an internal war. Since the death of its former boss, Wellington da Silva Braga, Ecko — another uncle of Faustão —, also killed by the police in 2021, the militia has been going through a moment of fragmentation and is still witnessing an offensive by the largest drug faction in Rio — Red Command (CV) — which is trying to regain territories lost in recent years.
Dominated Area
The places where buses were burned are areas currently under the militia’s control — such as Santa Cruz, Inhoaíba and Campo Grande — or regions that were dominated by the group and are now under dispute, such as Recreio dos Bandeirantes and Jacarepaguá. In all these regions, violent deaths have exploded this year — while violent deaths have fallen across the state. In Santa Cruz, designated as the militia’s HQ, murders increased by 83% this year (estimates indicate that in this region, the militia earns up to R$10 million per month); Jacarepaguá, where the group has been losing domains to drug traffickers, deaths increased by 156%.
Internal Disputes
The crisis was triggered by the succession for control of the militia after Ecko’s death. In addition to Zinho, who was a kind of finance manager for the group, another member started to postulate as leader of the group: Danilo Dias Lima, known as Tandera, who was one of those responsible for the expansion of the militia towards Baixada. The gang then split: Zinho took the West Zone; Tandera, with Nova Iguaçu and Seropédica. With the split, the two groups began to attack each other.
In-Person Boss
Faustão was not just Zinho’s nephew in the structure of the largest militia in Rio. According to Civil Police investigations, he had been strengthening contacts between the militia and the largest drug trafficking organization in the state, Red Command (CV), for at least three months. His contact would be the drug dealer Lesk, murdered by the faction after participating in the deaths of four doctors in Barra da Tijuca beach, at the beginning of October.
According to the state Public Ministry, Faustão appeared as the head of the criminal organization, since Zinho is not seen in the dominated communities. Local decision-making power was delegated to Faustão on various topics, such as the acquisition of firearms, payments, as well as other functions in the day-to-day running of the criminal organization.
Faustão was also investigated for around 20 criminal deaths. He was also denounced for planning the death of former councilor Jerônimo Guimarães Filho, known as Jerominho.
State Governor
State governor Cláudio Castro (PL) classified the attacks on buses and the transportation system in Rio as terrorist actions and said that the death of a militia member during a Civil Police operation is part of the strategy to arrest the three main criminals in the state: Zinho (militia), Tandera (militia) and Abelha (Comando Vermelho). According to the governor, the attacks are proof that criminals are feeling surrounded by security forces.
According to Castro, the 12 arrested for participating in the bus attacks will be sent to federal prisons. Castro also said that the criminals’ reaction was out of the norm, which would prove that the police siege was working.
Federal Government
The Lula government has ruled out, for now, federal intervention in Rio de Janeiro. If the measure were adopted, the government could use the Armed Forces against criminals. What is being discussed in the Lula government is how the Federal Police can reinforce public security in investigations and in the fight against organized crime.
Analysis:
After the homicide of three doctors by mistake in Barra da Tijuca and the operation that arrested four police officers for drug trafficking and corruption in the Civil Police, this is the third episode in less than three weeks that exposes the state’s fragility in public security. Observing these three cases, one can see a gigantic sign of weakness on the part of the government. The dynamics of the events of 23 October show that, for the militia, it is worth blackmailing the State. Furthermore, it highlights the problem with the logic of operations, which is to say if you confront me, I will confront you, and the government’s lack of credibility and ability to impose order. The situation now, more than ever, requires much more than an operation, it requires planning: the construction of a public policy that separates the police from politics.
