Summary
Drug traffickers have been waging war for a few months against a group of militias to conquer a group of favelas traditionally controlled by the paramilitary groups in Rio’s West Zone. The consequences of this conflict have been already observed with record numbers of homicides and several shootouts reported, affecting the routine of important streets in the city, like Ayrton Senna Ave. and Linha Amarela Express Way. In the big scope, this is part of a larger operation promoted by the Red Command (CV) to fight back the militias’ expansion in Rio de Janeiro metropolitan area since 2016. If the security forces are not able to contain the fights, the region could become a conflict zone, just like Praça Seca, also in the West Zone.
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The Attack to the Militias’ Cradle
On 6 December 2022, a failed attack perpetrated by drug traffickers against Gardênia Azul, a favela in Rio’s West Zone, was the first step of a much larger operation to conquer territories from the local militia. Since that date, the conflict has escalated and at least 10 attempted invasions were reported. The drug traffickers managed to obtain some victories, and killed important militia leaders, but it is unlike that aggressions will cease soon, as the main prize, Rio das Pedras, the militia’s cradle, will hardly be taken without a fierce resistance.
The invasion would have started after Philip Motta Pereira, known as Lesk, and the paramilitary Gargalhone, who were already part of the Gardênia militia, tried to regain control of the group, according to initial investigations. When the fights began, Gardênia Azul community was mostly controlled by Leandro Xavier da Silva, known as Playboy, a militiaman from Curicica, a neighborhood also in the West Zone.
Lesk would have asked Luís Antonio da Silva Braga’s gang, Zinho, the leader of the largest militia in Rio for help. As the latter did not want to get involved in the dispute, then, Lesk sought the support of the drug trade in Cidade de Deus favela. The drug dealers Edgar Alves de Andrade, Doca, or Urso, and Wilton Carlos Rabello Quintanilha, or Abelha, who are important leaders of the Red Command (CV), the largest drug gang in Brazil, would have given the green light for bandits from Rocinha and Cidade de Deus to support Lesk.
Since the first attempt, there was a long hiatus in the conflicts, which may have been used to better plan the invasion. Police investigations indicate that two coordinated forces have been harassing the set of favelas, which include Gardênia Azul, Muzema, Tijuquinha, Rio das Pedras, Sítio do Pai João, Vila da Paz, Cloro and Recanto da Barra.
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The police believes that one wave of invaders comes from Rocinha slum, the biggest community in the South Zone, located in São Conrado neighborhood. Criminals used a territory recently taken from the militia, the Morro do Banco, in Itanhangá, to mount an operational base, which would help with the invasion. The second wave comes from Cidade de Deus, which is just a few meters from Gardênia Azul, hence, an excellent starting point.
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Allied to former members of Gardênia, thus probably with knowledge of the targeted territory, the Red Command members would have managed to obtain some victories in their endeavor. Media sources claim that at least one area, known as “Chico City”, which is inside Gardênia, was taken. In addition, many leaders of the militia that still controls the attacked favelas have been killed, some in actions carried out by hitmen that were waiting for them at their homes or in ambushes. The fact may be an indication that the killers had inside information.
There is other evidence that suggest that the drug traffickers have had victories in their territorial expansion; residents of Gardênia Azul reported that drug dealers imposed a curfew, and the invaders suspended the payment of illegal fees usually charged by militiamen.
Consequences to the Regional Security
The violence brought fear to the local population, increased risk to inhabitants in the communities and the surrounding neighborhoods, like Barra da Tijuca, Itanhangá, Freguesia, Anil, Recreio and others. This occurs especially because many drivers and pedestrians move on roads located sometimes in the middle of the crossfire, as for example Linha Amarela Express Way, Ayrton Senna Ave., Furnas Rd., Itanhangá Rd., and Miguel Salazar Mendes de Morais Rd.
The war that broke out between drug traffickers and militiamen brought a level of violence that was not common in Gardênia, Muzema, and Rio das Pedras. According to data provided by Instituto Fogo Cruzado, during the first month of 2023, only in Gardênia Azul, nine shootouts were reported, making it the 4th place among the neighborhoods in Rio de Janeiro metropolitan area the most affected by firefights.
Meanwhile, Muzema amassed four shootings in January, two of which were gun fights between criminals. In Curicica, headquarters of the militia controlling Gardênia, there were four shootings, one of which involved a confrontation between armed groups.
Cidade de Deus, along with Gardênia, was also affected by the invasions. The community had seven shootouts in January, one of them in disputes between armed groups. Controlled for years by the Red Command (CV), the world-famous favela pictured in the film “City of God”, was used as a base for the attacks. Hence, security forces carried out operations to repress the gang and stop the fights.
Due to the continuous shootouts, residents decided to protest. A group of people from Cidade de Deus set fire to a pile of debris to block the Miguel Salazar Mendes de Morais Road, one of the main ones in the region. The road connects Freguesia, Taquara, Anil, Gardênia Azul and other neighborhoods.
Official criminal statistics disclosed by the Rio de Janeiro Public Security Institute (ISP) unveil the significant impact of this war to the public security of the entire region around the disputed favelas. In January, when most of the fights took place, the 32nd Civil Police Department, which is responsible for investigating crimes in Anil, in Cidade de Deus, in Jacarepaguá, in Gardênia Azul, in Curicica and in Taquara, reported a total of 18 intentional homicides. This number not only represents a 225% increase when compared to the same period of last year, but it is also a historical record.
The Prize
In total, the area that comprises all favelas under attack has approximately 80,715 inhabitants. Considering that these criminal groups practically replace the state for the maintenance of order and charge for many other services, controlling the area means obtaining a large source of income and taking away resources from rivals. In addition, the locations are also extra points for selling drugs to the wealthy population in the adjacent neighborhoods.
According to media sources, researchers estimate that at stake there is millionaire figures raised in irregular businesses with the collection of security fees and tolls for alternative utility services. Only in Rio das Pedras, just exploiting clandestine internet and cable TV signal and clandestine gas sales earns the paramilitaries more than R$ 1 million a month.
A Response to the Militias’ Expansion
Some facts suggest that the attacks seem to be part of a much larger coordinated operation put into action by one of the biggest drug gangs of Brazil to fight back the militias’ expansion in its heartland, Rio de Janeiro. Even though the militias seems to be now on the defensive, they have been growing quickly in the past years, occupying many territories. In addition, they have changed and invested on new business. This power was threatening drug gangs, and they are now responding.
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For sociologist and expert on the topic, Daniel Hirata, the militias went through a new cycle of expansion, becoming the greatest threat to public security in the state since 2016. They managed to establish control over 256 km² of Rio de Janeiro metropolitan area, half of the 510 km² currently dominated by the organized crime. From 2006 to 2021, after two great expansion cycles (2006-2010 and 2016-now), the militias increased their territories by 387.3%, while the Red Command (CV) grew their domains by 58.8%. In terms of population, it is believed that the militias have 1.7 million people living inside their zones, and the CV would have 2 million.
Beyond the territorial growth, the militias have also improved their business model. Previously known as groups hired to provide outlaw protection services, particularly against the drug gangs, they started to aggregate more and more activities. Some even went as far as to associate themselves with drug traffickers and profit with the drugs market, becoming a sort of “narcomilitia”. In 2019, when the state Public Ministry disclosed a report about the topic, militiamen and drug traffickers were already working together in at least 180 locations.
This scenario may have stimulated a response from the Red Command, which, since 2021, has kept a systematic expansionist movement. Police authorities understand that the war for Gardênia and the other favelas is not a one-off event, but part of a much larger operation orchestrated by CV. Hence, it is connected to the war in Praça Seca, where the drug gang lost and regained many slums; and to the recapture of Covanca, near Pechincha, and Tirol, in Freguesia.
A Stain in the Government’s Public Security Project
Muzema, one of the most affected communities by CV’s invasion, received in January 2022 the newest state government public security program the Integrated City (Cidade Integrada). The promise is to invest R$ 500 million in the security forces and in social programs that would bring education, employment, and health to the favelas.
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Integrated City comes as the successor to the Pacifying Police Unit (UPP). Its objective is to improve the social indicators of the areas where the project is implemented. Of the funds announced for the project, R$ 333 million have already been spent with courses for residents and housing improvements. However, the initiative has not been able to prevent the conflicts observed in the January and February.
A New Praça Seca?
The number of shootouts registered, and the record number of intentional homicides showed that a single month of conflicts turned the region into a more violent and riskier area. Even though, the security forces have been responding, this event could represent the expansion of the zones where there are constant armed conflicts, just like in the neighborhood of Praça Seca, where a war between the militias and drug traffickers has been going on for years.
Despite being concentrated inside the favelas, the clashes can transform an entire region by affecting traffic and other elements with the threat of stray bullets and other crimes associated. For instance, right at the beginning of this dispute, in December 2022, when the first attempt to conquer Gardênia occurred, after a shootout between criminals, an armed group left towards Ayrton Senna Ave. to escape his enemies and the police, they stopped a driver and stole his car.
A similar cycle of violence has been recorded in Praça Seca neighborhood for years. There, the militia and drug gangs have been fighting for a set of 10 communities that are estimated to generate R$ 6 million of income from illegal services, per month. The fights remain mostly inside the slums, but the entire neighborhood has suffered the consequences. For example, many streets must be avoided by drivers and local properties have devaluated significantly.
In the case of Gardênia and its neighboring slums, due to the importance of the location to Rio’s militias, their prolonged history there, and the support they have from dwellers are probably signs that conflicts will last. This clash can be even further extended if reinforcements are sent from other communities. There may be even more armed conflicts but in other parts of the city because of this campaign promoted by the CV against the militias. Thus, this could result in a general rise of violence across Rio de Janeiro.